BSL in its Social Context

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Session 5: Regional Dialect

By now it should be very clear that we can define British Sign Language by saying that it is "the language used by British deaf people".  Its vocabulary is different from all other sign languages, so   that other sign languages are "mutually unintelligible".  However, we have seen that mutual unintelligibility is not always a very useful defining features of a separate language because some sign languages are historically related to each other, making them more similar to each other than to languages that are not related. 

In a similar way, some spoken languages are related.  If you know German, you have a good chance of being able to read Dutch, to which German is closely related.  If you know Spanish, you can read Portuguese fairly easily, again, because the two languages are related.  However, knowing Dutch and German will do you little good if you try to read Finnish, to which neither is related.  Knowing Spanish and Portuguese will leave you totally unprepared to deal with Basque. 

We can see the same pattern in sign languages.  For example, French Sign Language (LSF) is related historically to American Sign Language, so that signers from LSF can recognise many signs in ASL.  Australian Sign Language (Auslan) is closely related to BSL, because of the close ties between the two countries, and BSL signers can understand Auslan fairly easily.  This is also the case of some variants of South African Sign Language (where the links with England have been stronger in the past).  Other South African variants are strongly influenced by ISL.  Users of Scandinavian sign languages are reported to be able to understand each other fairly well, again because the languages have a common history.  We should note, though, that some sign languages can be geographically close but not be related. 

Although BSL is a distinct language, and noticeably different from other national sign languages, we have seen that it is not a single, homogeneous entity.  We have seen that British signers do not all sign in exactly the same way because of the identity of the signers.  One part of their identity might be where they come from, and this might be reflected in their regional dialects.

These are what most people think of as "dialects", even though in linguistics social dialects are just as important as regional dialects.

?  Pause for a moment, and ask yourself how you might do research on regional variations in BSL.  When you have thought of some ideas, read on, and see what we did in Bristol.

Research done in Bristol a few years ago took a selection of English words and gave them to signers around the country.  The regions we chose were Glasgow, Newcastle, Manchester, London and Bristol.  We interviewed men and women, of over 60, 40 to 60 and under 40, so that we got a range of ages as well.  We wrote the words we had chosen on cards, and then showed each person the cards.   This was to avoid influencing them with our signs.  We chose specific groups of words: some were words that are central to BSL (like DEAF, HEARING, INTERPRETER), some that are everyday words (like BRITISH, BUSINESS, THEATRE) and some that have come into BSL recently (like DISCRIMINATION, COMMUNITY).  There were regional differences in the signs they gave.  In some semantic areas, signs vary greatly by region, including signs for colour terms, days of the week and numbers and counting.

This all looked at the production of signs.  We also showed them signs that other people in other regions had used and asked them if they recognised them.  Sometimes they knew them but wouldn't use them themselves.

We didn't only use interviews.  We also looked at the See Hear! programmes from 1981 to 1988 (we did the research in 1989) and looked for regional variations there, too.  This wasn't much good for vocabulary items, but we were able to look at one linguistic variable: the use of fingerspelling.  When we looked at the fingerspelling used by all the signers on See Hear! over eight years, we could see that there were very clear regional variations in the amount used.

This is all very interesting and useful in itself.  It is important for anyone wanting a good command of BSL to know regional variations of signs.  It is important for interpreters to know what someone means when they use a different regional sign.   It is equally as important for sign teachers to recognise and be tolerant of other people's signs, and just to say "Oh, that's your sign; this is mine; this is a sign that many people know around Britain" rather than being critical of a sign.  It is also important just to collect and record different regional signs, in order to appreciate the exciting variation within BSL.

However, in linguistics, we don't have to stop at collecting and describing different regional signs.  We also have to consider why regional signs exist. 

? Pause for a moment and think of some reasons why people from different areas use different varieties of the same language.  Or, maybe, ask yourself the same question, “backwards”: why do varieties of language sometimes not vary in different regions?

In general, there are two major ideas about why dialects of languages vary between regions: 

a) isolation and spontaneous evolution

b) mixing with different languages

One theory is that there was once a single dialect of a language, but then the users of that language spread out.   They got further apart, and eventually they lost touch with each other.  Spontaneous changes occurred in the language in one area but didn't spread to the other areas because of the distance involved.  It is often observed that large physical barriers (eg seas, mountains, deserts etc) cut populations off and so the dialects spontaneously evolve.  This is an argument that is put about concerning English, especially British and American English.  Once the two dialects were the same, but the Atlantic Ocean kept the two speakers apart and any spontaneous changes on one side of the Atlantic were not copied on the other side.  This theory is based on Darwin's ideas of evolution of life on earth.  Darwin proposed that small spontaneous changes constantly happened, at random, and that the most useful changes survived and were perpetuated.

This spontaneous evolution is only part of the story, though, and is not necessarily the most important.  Far more relevant, frequently, is the effect of mixing with languages as they spread.  For example, Britain was settled by people speaking lots of languages (Angles, Saxons, Jutes and Vikings from various places) so when the Normans arrived, Norman French was overlaid onto several different languages.  Similarly, American English differs from British English especially because of the large number of loan words that have come into the language from American Indian languages and from later immigrants into the country. 

Support for this view is that you'd expect Australia to have big regional dialects because of the huge barriers of deserts, but actually they are all very similar. This is probably because the population was almost exclusively from the British Isles and there was no subsequent mixing with the local people (who either ignored the whites, or were ignored by them, or got killed...)

These are the two main theories concerning English, but we need to think that this is not necessarily what is happening with BSL.

?  Given what you have just learned about regional dialects, why do you think that BSL has regional dialects?

It is possible to say that BSL regional dialects arose because deaf people were quite isolated, and only knew the BSL of the people around them.  There is no way to send letters in BSL to distant places (because there is no written form), and you couldn't use BSL on the telephone.  So when spontaneous changes arose in one dialect of BSL, no one outside the dialect area knew about it.

Now that we have national broadcasting of BSL on television, people can see more varieties of BSL, and maybe regional dialects are becoming more uniform.  We could say that a similar thing is happening with British English, and that dialects are now becoming more uniform as physical and social barriers are being broken down.

This is fine as a theory to explain why dialects have not merged until recently, but it does not explain how they arose.  It suggests that there was once a single BSL, which split up as deaf people spread throughout the land.  We have no evidence that this is true, and plenty of reason to believe that it is not true.

We can also probably dismiss the idea that regional dialects of BSL differ because of mixing with other languages.  The exception to this is that some regional dialects of BSL are influenced by ISL, such as some Scottish and Northern Irish dialects.

The main reason for dialect differences in BSL can probably be put down to schools where signs have been used by children for many years, and even by the teachers.   When people left schools, they may have stopped using their school signs in contact with deaf people from other areas, but carried on using that dialect with other local people.

If this is the main reason for dialects, then we might expect them to become more uniform now that so many children are mainstreamed or attend PHUs near to their homes.

Another reason for regional variations is that the sign is linked to the culture of the deaf people in that area.  For example, in Spain, many of the signs for the months of the year are determined by the weather during each month or the particular local festivals.  This is because the weather or festivals vary around the country.  This means that each dialect can be expected to have different signs.  If we compare the Scottish sign SUNDAY that is derived from PREACH, with the English sign that is derived from PRAY we might see a cultural difference leading to different signs.  Traditionally Scottish ministers have preached great sermons on Sundays, in a way that is not so common in England.

Dictionaries are possibly responsible for greater uniformity of sign language dialects now.  If a regional sign does not get into a dictionary (or only with the title "regional sign") it will lose out to signs that are in the dictionary.  It is possible that users of BSL will have two variations of BSL: one that they use when they meet people from outside their local region, and one that they use locally.  Deaf signers are just as skilled at switching between varieties as speakers of English are.

If we are to test our theories of regional variation in BSL, we need to look for differences in dialects that we can account for.  For example, if we can see that many dialect differences are in major core vocabulary items such as a child might learn at school (eg colours, numbers and days of the week), we might have evidence that much of the dialect variations arose in schools.  Further, if we found that terms used more in adult conversation are nationally more similar (eg signs to do with employment, tax and adult health), then again we can put dialect differences down to schools.  If signs for more recent terms do not show great regional differences (eg DISCRIMINATION, CABLE, SATELLITE, MOBILE PHONE), we can say that this is evidence for some growing uniformity in BSL.

That is all we have time for in the discussion of regional variants.  It is always nice to collect regional variants for signs that we know.  They add colour to signing.  It is important to be aware of acceptable signing, though, and use appropriate regional signs in conversation with people of different dialects.

?  Pause now, and make sure you are clear what we mean by a regional dialect, and why these arise.  Check also that you are clear on why regional dialects exist in BSL

 

As there is now greater access to different regional dialects in BSL, we might think that the BSL or today might be more homogenous than before.   However, we know that social identity is very important in dialects.  You might know the signs from another region but that doesn’t mean that you are going to give up your own.  Your own regional dialect can be a part of your identity that you may not wish to give up.  This is the same for spoken and signed languages and ought to be a genuine concern for language planners who wish to standardise any language.

Readings for Session 5


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This page was last modified November 07, 2000
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